Name: Remnant
Author: Fletcher Whitney

WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS

September 19, 1796

Friends and Citizens:
The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the
executive government of the United States being not far distant,
and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be
employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with
that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as
it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice,
that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed,
to decline being considered among the number of those out of
whom a choice is to be made.
I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured
that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard
to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which
binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing
the tender of service, which silence in my situation might
imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future
interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past
kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step
is compatible with both.

[On the Unity of Government]

The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also
now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in
the edifice of your real independence, the support of your
tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your
prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize.
But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and
from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many
artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of
this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress
against which the batteries of internal and external enemies
will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and
insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you
should properly estimate the immense value of your national
Union to your collective and individual happiness.

[The Baneful Effects of the Spirit of Party]

I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the
State, with particular reference to the founding of them on
geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more
comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner
against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.
This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature,
having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind.
It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or
less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the
popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is
truly their worst enemy.
The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened
by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which
in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid
enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads
at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The
disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the
minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power
of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some
prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his
competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own
elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.

[On the Preservation of the Constitution]

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free
country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its
administration, to confine themselves within their respective
constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers
of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of
encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the
departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of
government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of
power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the
human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this
position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise
of political power, by dividing and distributing it into
different depositories, and constituting each the guardian
of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been
evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our
country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as
necessary as to institute them.

[Religion and Morality]

Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political
prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports.
In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who
should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness,
these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The
mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect
and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their
connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply
be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation,
for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the
oaths which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of
Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that
morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be
conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of
peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to
expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of
religious principle.
It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary
spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with
more or less force to every species of free government. Who
that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference
upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote
then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the
general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure
of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential
that public opinion should be enlightened.

[On Public Credit]

As a very important source of strength and security, cherish
public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as
sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by
cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements
to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater
accumulations to repel it, avoiding likewise the accumulation
of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by
vigorous exertion in time of peace to discharge the debts
which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously
throwing upon posterity the burden which we ourselves ought
to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your
representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion
should co-operate.

[On Foreign Influence]

Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cultivate
peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this
conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally
enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at
no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the
magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided
by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that,
in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan
would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be
lost by a steady adherence to it?
In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than
that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular
nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be
excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable
feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which
indulges towards another a habitual hatred or a habitual
fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its
animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient
to lead it astray from its duty and its interest.
So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another
produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation,
facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in
cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into
one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a
participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter without
adequate inducement or justification.
Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure
you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free
people ought to be constantly awake, since history and
experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most
baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to
be useful must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument
of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense
against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and
excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate
to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even
second the arts of influence on the other.

[On Foreign Entanglements]

The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations
is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as
little political connection as possible. So far as we have
already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect
good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none;
or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in
frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially
foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise
in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary
vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and
collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to
pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an
efficient government, the period is not far off when we may
defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take
such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any
time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when
belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making
acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us
provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest,
guided by justice, shall counsel.
Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit
our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving
our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our
peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition,
rivalship, interest, humor or caprice?
It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances
with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we
are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as
capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements.
I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private
affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it,
therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine
sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be
unwise to extend them.
Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments
on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to
temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.
Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended
by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial
policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither
seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences;
consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and
diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but
forcing nothing; establishing (with powers so disposed, in
order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of
our merchants, and to enable the government to support them)
conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present
circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary,
and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as
experience and circumstances shall dictate.

[Conclusion]

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am
unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too
sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may
have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently
beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which
they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my
country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that,
after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with
an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be
consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions
of rest.
Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and
actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural
to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his
progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing
expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize,
without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst
of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under
a free government, the ever-favorite object of my heart, and
the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors,
and dangers.
G. Washington