1. COMMON SENSE
  2. Addressed to the Inhabitants of America
  3. February 14, 1776
  4. INTRODUCTION
  5. PERHAPS the sentiments contained in the following pages, are not
  6. YET sufficiently fashionable to procure them general favor; a
  7. long habit of not thinking a thing WRONG, gives it a superficial
  8. appearance of being RIGHT, and raises at first a formidable
  9. outcry in defense of custom. But the tumult soon subsides.
  10. Time makes more converts than reason.
  11. As a long and violent abuse of power, is generally the Means
  12. of calling the right of it in question (and in Matters too which
  13. might never have been thought of, had not the Sufferers been
  14. aggravated into the inquiry) and as the King of England hath
  15. undertaken in his OWN RIGHT, to support the Parliament in what
  16. he calls THEIRS, and as the good people of this country are
  17. grievously oppressed by the combination, they have an undoubted
  18. privilege to inquire into the pretensions of both, and equally
  19. to reject the usurpation of either.
  20. In the following sheets, the author hath studiously avoided every
  21. thing which is personal among ourselves. Compliments as well as
  22. censure to individuals make no part thereof. The wise, and the
  23. worthy, need not the triumph of a pamphlet; and those whose
  24. sentiments are injudicious, or unfriendly, will cease of
  25. themselves unless too much pains are bestowed upon their conversion.
  26. The cause of America is in a great measure the cause of all
  27. mankind. Many circumstances hath, and will arise, which are
  28. not local, but universal, and through which the principles of
  29. all Lovers of Mankind are affected, and in the Event of which,
  30. their Affections are interested. The laying a Country desolate
  31. with Fire and Sword, declaring War against the natural rights
  32. of all Mankind, and extirpating the Defenders thereof from the
  33. Face of the Earth, is the Concern of every Man to whom Nature
  34. hath given the Power of feeling; of which Class, regardless
  35. of Party Censure, is the AUTHOR.
  36. THOUGHTS ON THE PRESENT STATE OF AMERICAN AFFAIRS
  37. In the following pages I offer nothing more than simple facts,
  38. plain arguments, and common sense; and have no other preliminaries
  39. to settle with the reader, than that he will divest himself of
  40. prejudice and prepossession, and suffer his reason and his
  41. feelings to determine for themselves; that he will put ON, or
  42. rather that he will not put OFF, the true character of a man,
  43. and generously enlarge his views beyond the present day.
  44. Volumes have been written on the subject of the struggle between
  45. England and America. Men of all ranks have embarked in the
  46. controversy, from different motives, and with various designs;
  47. but all have been ineffectual, and the period of debate is closed.
  48. Arms, as the last resource, decide this contest; the appeal
  49. was the choice of the king, and the continent hath accepted the challenge.
  50. The sun never shined on a cause of greater worth. ‘Tis not the
  51. affair of a city, a county, a province, or a kingdom, but of a
  52. continent—of at least one eighth part of the habitable globe.
  53. ‘Tis not the concern of a day, a year, or an age; posterity are
  54. virtually involved in the contest, and will be more or less
  55. affected, even to the end of time, by the proceedings now. Now
  56. is the seed time of continental union, faith and honor. The
  57. least fracture now will be like a name engraved with the point
  58. of a pin on the tender rind of a young oak; the wound will
  59. enlarge with the tree, and posterity read it in full grown characters.
  60. By referring the matter from argument to arms, a new area for
  61. politics is struck; a new method of thinking hath arisen. All
  62. plans, proposals, &c. prior to the nineteenth of April, i. e.
  63. to the commencement of hostilities, are like the almanacs of
  64. the last year; which, though proper then, are superseded and
  65. useless now. Whatever was advanced by the advocates on either
  66. side of the question then, terminated in one and the same point,
  67. viz. a union with Great Britain: the only difference between
  68. the parties was the method of effecting it; the one proposing
  69. force, the other friendship; but it hath so far happened that
  70. the first hath failed, and the second hath withdrawn her influence.
  71. As much hath been said of the advantages of reconciliation,
  72. which, like an agreeable dream, hath passed away and left us
  73. as we were, it is but right, that we should examine the contrary
  74. side of the argument, and inquire into some of the many material
  75. injuries which these colonies sustain, and always will sustain,
  76. by being connected with, and dependent on, Great Britain: To
  77. examine that connection and dependence, on the principles of
  78. nature and common sense, to see what we have to trust to, if
  79. separated, and what we are to expect, if dependant.
  80. I have heard it asserted by some, that as America hath flourished
  81. under her former connection with Great Britain that the same
  82. connection is necessary towards her future happiness, and will
  83. always have the same effect. Nothing can be more fallacious than
  84. this kind of argument. We may as well assert that because a child
  85. has thrived upon milk that it is never to have meat, or that the
  86. first twenty years of our lives is to become a precedent for the
  87. next twenty. But even this is admitting more than is true, for
  88. I answer roundly, that America would have flourished as much,
  89. and probably much more, had no European power had any thing to
  90. do with her. The commerce, by which she hath enriched herself,
  91. are the necessaries of life, and will always have a market while
  92. eating is the custom of Europe.
  93. But she has protected us, say some. That she has engrossed us
  94. is true, and defended the continent at our expense as well as
  95. her own is admitted, and she would have defended Turkey from the
  96. same motive, viz. the sake of trade and dominion.
  97. Alas, we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and
  98. made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the
  99. protection of Great Britain, without considering, that her motive
  100. was INTEREST not ATTACHMENT; that she did not protect us from
  101. OUR ENEMIES on OUR ACCOUNT, but from HER ENEMIES on HER OWN
  102. ACCOUNT, from those who had no quarrel with us on any OTHER
  103. ACCOUNT, and who will always be our enemies on the SAME ACCOUNT.
  104. Let Britain wave her pretensions to the continent, or the continent
  105. throw off the dependence, and we should be at peace with France
  106. and Spain were they at war with Britain. The miseries of Hanover
  107. last war ought to warn us against connections.
  108. It has lately been asserted in parliament, that the colonies
  109. have no relation to each other but through the parent country,
  110. i. e. that Pennsylvania and the Jerseys, and so on for the rest,
  111. are sister colonies by the way of England; this is certainly a
  112. very round-about way of proving relationship, but it is the
  113. nearest and only true way of proving enemyship, if I may so
  114. call it. France and Spain never were, nor perhaps ever will be
  115. our enemies as AMERICANS, but as our being the SUBJECTS OF
  116. GREAT BRITAIN.
  117. But Britain is the parent country, say some. Then the more shame
  118. upon her conduct. Even brutes do not devour their young, nor
  119. savages make war upon their families; wherefore the assertion,
  120. if true, turns to her reproach; but it happens not to be true,
  121. or only partly so and the phrase PARENT or MOTHER COUNTRY hath
  122. been jesuitically adopted by the king and his parasites, with
  123. a low papistical design of gaining an unfair bias on the
  124. credulous weakness of our minds. Europe, and not England, is
  125. the parent country of America. This new world hath been the
  126. asylum for the persecuted lovers of civil and religious liberty
  127. from EVERY PART of Europe. Hither have they fled, not from the
  128. tender embraces of the mother, but from the cruelty of the
  129. monster; and it is so far true of England, that the same tyranny
  130. which drove the first emigrants from home, pursues their
  131. descendants still.
  132. I challenge the warmest advocate for reconciliation, to show a
  133. single advantage that this continent can reap, by being connected
  134. with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge, not a single advantage
  135. is derived. Our corn will fetch its price in any market in Europe,
  136. and our imported goods must be paid for buy them where we will.
  137. But the injuries and disadvantages which we sustain by that
  138. connection, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large,
  139. as well as to ourselves, instruct us to renounce the alliance:
  140. Because, any submission to, or dependence on Great Britain,
  141. tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and
  142. quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would
  143. otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither
  144. anger nor complaint. As Europe is our market for trade, we ought
  145. to form no political connection with any part of it. It is the
  146. true interest of America to steer clear of European contentions,
  147. which she never can do, while, by her dependence on Britain,
  148. she is made the make-weight in the scale of British politics.
  149. Europe is too thickly planted with kingdoms to be long at peace,
  150. and whenever a war breaks out between England and any foreign
  151. power, the trade of America goes to ruin, BECAUSE OF HER
  152. CONNECTION WITH BRITAIN. The next war may not turn out like the
  153. last, and should it not, the advocates for reconciliation now
  154. will be wishing for separation then, because, neutrality in
  155. that case, would be a safer convoy than a man of war. Every
  156. thing that is right or natural pleads for separation. The blood
  157. of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ‘TIS TIME TO
  158. PART. Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed
  159. England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the
  160. authority of the one, over the other, was never the design of Heaven.
  161. Small islands not capable of protecting themselves, are the
  162. proper objects for kingdoms to take under their care; but there
  163. is something very absurd, in supposing a continent to be
  164. perpetually governed by an island. In no instance hath nature
  165. made the satellite larger than its primary planet, and as
  166. England and America, with respect to each other, reverses the
  167. common order of nature, it is evident they belong to different
  168. systems: England to Europe, America to itself.
  169. O ye that love mankind! Ye that dare oppose, not only the
  170. tyranny, but the tyrant, stand forth! Every spot of the old
  171. world is overrun with oppression. Freedom hath been hunted round
  172. the globe. Asia, and Africa, have long expelled her. Europe
  173. regards her like a stranger, and England hath given her warning
  174. to depart. O! receive the fugitive, and prepare in time an
  175. asylum for mankind.
  176. THOMAS PAINE